SB 7 Legislative Priority

Overall Vote Recommendation
Yes
Principle Criteria
neutral
Free Enterprise
positive
Property Rights
positive
Personal Responsibility
negative
Limited Government
positive
Individual Liberty
Digest

SB 7 proposes the creation of a new Chapter 3002 in the Texas Government Code, titled the “Texas Women’s Privacy Act.” The bill mandates that all political subdivisions and state agencies designate each multiple-occupancy private space in government-owned or controlled buildings, such as restrooms, locker rooms, and shower rooms, for use only by individuals of the same biological sex. “Sex” is explicitly defined as the biological classification of male or female, based on reproductive anatomy, regardless of gender identity.

The bill outlines a narrow list of exceptions, including custodial, emergency, and law enforcement situations, as well as allowing assistance for children under 10. SB 7 also requires correctional facilities to house inmates based strictly on biological sex and limits access to family violence shelters designated for women to only those who are biologically female and their children.

To enforce these provisions, the bill creates a complaint process through the Office of the Attorney General (OAG), authorizes civil penalties of up to $25,000 for violations, and establishes a private cause of action for individuals. The attorney general is empowered to investigate, sue, and collect penalties, with appeals centralized to the newly created Fifteenth Court of Appeals. The bill includes an aggressive fee-shifting provision, making any party who challenges the law in court and loses liable for the prevailing party’s attorney fees and costs.

The Committee Substitute for SB 7 builds upon the originally filed version of the bill by introducing substantial changes that enhance the state’s legal authority and shield the legislation from judicial challenge. While both versions establish sex-based access rules for multiple-occupancy restrooms and related facilities in public buildings, the Committee Substitute broadens the enforcement framework and significantly limits how the law can be challenged or interpreted by the courts.

One of the most consequential differences is the substitute’s centralization of appellate jurisdiction. Unlike the original bill, which permits lawsuits to be filed in local district courts, the substitute vests exclusive appellate jurisdiction in the newly created Fifteenth Court of Appeals. This change limits judicial venue shopping and concentrates legal interpretation in a single, potentially more favorable appellate forum. Additionally, the substitute expands sovereign, governmental, and official immunity provisions, explicitly barring any Texas court from granting injunctive or declaratory relief that would block the law’s enforcement. It also prohibits class action certification in such cases, further limiting access to collective legal remedies.

The Committee Substitute also tightens the bill’s already aggressive fee-shifting provisions. It imposes joint and several liability for legal fees on any party, including attorneys, who seeks to challenge the law in state or federal court, even if the claim is dismissed without reaching the merits. The original version contained fee-shifting language, but the substitute amplifies its reach, effectively discouraging litigation through financial risk.

Lastly, some linguistic and definitional changes, such as simplifying the term “biological sex” to “sex,” and more clearly delineated rulemaking requirements for agencies like the Texas Board of Criminal Justice, reflect an effort to streamline implementation while reinforcing the bill’s legal durability. In sum, the Committee Substitute moves beyond the original bill’s policy scope to construct a more robust and insulated enforcement architecture aimed at ensuring long-term survivability against legal challenges.

Author (2)
Mayes Middleton
Lois Kolkhorst
Co-Author (10)
Paul Bettencourt
Donna Campbell
Brent Hagenbuch
Bob Hall
Adam Hinojosa
Phil King
Tan Parker
Angela Paxton
Charles Schwertner
Kevin Sparks
Fiscal Notes

According to the Legislative Budget Board (LBB), SB 7 is expected to have no significant fiscal impact on the state budget. The LBB concluded that any costs or revenue associated with the implementation or enforcement of the bill would be insignificant for state agencies. This suggests that anticipated expenditures, such as those for enforcement by the Office of the Attorney General or administrative implementation by state agencies, would be absorbed within existing agency resources or would not be substantial enough to warrant additional appropriations.

However, the fiscal impact on local governments, including municipalities, school districts, and other political subdivisions, remains uncertain. The bill mandates compliance with new facility use designations and authorizes civil penalties for violations, but the LBB notes that the number of potential noncompliance cases is unknown. As a result, it is not possible to determine with precision the potential financial exposure for local entities, which could range from costs to modify facilities and policies to legal expenses incurred from enforcement actions or civil litigation.

In essence, while the state does not anticipate a measurable fiscal burden, local governments may face compliance-related costs that vary depending on existing policies, the number and nature of public facilities they control, and the extent to which they are subject to enforcement under the bill’s provisions. This indeterminate impact could include both capital and operational expenses, but those implications cannot be quantified at this time.

Vote Recommendation Notes

SB 7 affirms the principle that sex-based privacy in government-controlled spaces is a legitimate and important public interest. The bill creates a uniform statewide standard requiring that multi-occupancy private spaces, such as restrooms, locker rooms, and showers, within buildings operated or funded by public entities be designated and used based on a person’s biological sex. Its scope is limited to political subdivisions and state agencies and does not impose new obligations on private businesses, religious institutions, or households. The bill expressly allows for the creation of unisex and single-occupancy spaces, ensuring accommodations can be made without undermining the foundational privacy standard it seeks to uphold.

The intent of the bill, to protect the personal privacy, safety, and dignity of individuals, particularly women and girls, in sensitive public spaces, is consistent with long-recognized norms in public facility design. Sex-separated spaces are a common and broadly accepted practice in public life, especially in settings where individuals may be in a state of undress. By clearly codifying these boundaries, SB 7 offers clarity to state and local government entities tasked with designing or managing public facilities. The bill’s clear definitions and exceptions for children, individuals with disabilities, and emergency situations also ensure that the law is both practical and respectful of unique circumstances.

The enforcement provisions, including civil penalties and a private right of action, are aimed at ensuring compliance rather than generating revenue or penalizing good-faith actors. While the bill empowers the Attorney General to investigate violations, these provisions are generally aligned with similar state-level enforcement frameworks. The fiscal note confirms that no significant financial impact to the state is expected, and any costs incurred are likely to be absorbed within existing agency budgets. For local governments, the costs of compliance may vary depending on current policy, but the bill provides reasonable accommodations and compliance pathways that reduce the likelihood of disproportionate financial burden.

Concerns have been raised about certain legal provisions within the bill, particularly those involving judicial immunity, centralized appellate jurisdiction, and fee-shifting. These mechanisms were included to ensure swift resolution of disputes and prevent protracted litigation over the bill’s core standard. While they do limit the ability to seek injunctive relief, litigants still retain the right to challenge the law defensively if enforcement is attempted. This approach reflects a policy judgment that the law’s constitutionality should be tested within defined channels, reducing uncertainty for state actors while not entirely eliminating legal accountability. The bill’s centralized appellate review by the Fifteenth Court of Appeals is designed to ensure uniformity in legal interpretation and prevent inconsistent rulings across jurisdictions.

Finally, while some argue that fee-shifting provisions could deter legal challenges, they also function as a disincentive to speculative litigation or attempts to relitigate settled policy questions. A “prevailing party” is clearly defined in the statute, and courts retain discretion over the allocation of fees based on the scope and success of legal claims. These provisions, while strong, are not unique to this bill and reflect a broader trend in regulatory litigation frameworks.

In sum, SB 7 balances longstanding public expectations regarding sex-based facility use with a statewide policy response that protects privacy in shared public spaces. It provides clear standards, reasonable accommodations, and targeted enforcement. While it does incorporate assertive legal guardrails to maintain policy stability, those features are legally defensible and operationally focused. For these reasons, Texas Policy Research recommends that lawmakers vote YES on SB 7 as it is consistent with the principles of protecting public safety, preserving institutional clarity, and reinforcing core privacy expectations in government facilities.

  • Individual Liberty: The bill advances a conception of individual liberty rooted in the right to personal privacy and physical safety in sensitive government-controlled settings, particularly for women and girls. By designating certain public facilities (restrooms, locker rooms, showers) according to biological sex, the bill seeks to preserve a traditional expectation of separation in intimate spaces. For individuals who rely on sex-separated facilities to feel secure, the bill strengthens protections against policies that blur or eliminate those distinctions.
  • Personal Responsibility: The bill encourages a rules-based framework for public conduct in shared facilities, reinforcing the expectation that individuals should follow clear, objective standards tied to immutable biological characteristics. It affirms a predictable order in public spaces and relies on individuals and institutions to comply with those rules while providing options (e.g., single-occupancy facilities) for those who may not fit within the binary sex-based categories. In this way, the bill aligns with the principle that liberty is best preserved when paired with personal accountability and respect for others' boundaries in public life.
  • Free Enterprise: The bill applies exclusively to government-operated or -controlled facilities, meaning it does not impose new regulatory burdens on the private sector, religious institutions, or nonprofit organizations. Businesses, places of worship, and private schools retain full discretion to implement facility policies based on their own values or operational needs. While some public-private partnerships may be affected (e.g., vendors operating on state university campuses), these cases are exceptions rather than the rule. The bill’s restraint from regulating private enterprise directly upholds the liberty principle of market freedom and voluntary association.
  • Private Property Rights: Because the bill's mandates apply only to public buildings and institutions, it does not interfere with how private property owners manage access to their facilities. This distinction is critical in preserving the right of individuals and entities to control their own spaces and uphold their own standards of inclusion or separation. The bill makes no attempt to extend sex-designation requirements to private businesses, and as such, it respects the line between public regulation and private discretion.
  • Limited Government: This is the area where the bill presents the most serious concerns. Although it purports to reduce ambiguity and create uniformity across public entities, it does so by significantly expanding the power of the executive branch, particularly the Attorney General. The bill grants broad enforcement authority, including civil penalties and investigative powers. It also creates a private right of action that opens local governments to potentially extensive litigation. The bill centralizes appellate jurisdiction in the Fifteenth Court of Appeals, reducing the normal checks and balances of broader judicial review. It prohibits courts from issuing declaratory or injunctive relief and imposes fee-shifting penalties on unsuccessful challengers, which can suppress legitimate constitutional challenges. These provisions tilt the balance toward executive authority and away from judicial oversight and due process. By insulating itself from standard legal scrutiny, the bill undermines the principle that government power must remain accountable, decentralized, and subject to constitutional constraint.
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