89th Legislature

HB 42

Overall Vote Recommendation
Vote No; Amend
Principle Criteria
Free Enterprise
Property Rights
Personal Responsibility
Limited Government
Individual Liberty
Digest

HB 42 proposes amendments to Section 62.021 of the Texas Education Code to revise the method by which constitutionally appropriated funds are distributed to eligible public institutions of higher education. This bill is contingent upon voter approval of a corresponding constitutional amendment during the 2025 general election. The legislation would take effect in the state fiscal year ending August 31, 2027.

The primary purpose of the bill is to significantly increase annual infrastructure funding for public colleges and universities through the Article VII, Section 17 constitutional appropriation. It modifies the allocation formula to emphasize institutional needs such as space deficits, facility condition, and institutional complexity. A major structural change is the elimination of the separate allocation category for the Texas State Technical College System (TSTC), which will instead be incorporated into the general formula for equitable funding across institutions.

The bill also provides updated funding amounts for each institution, reflecting considerable increases over previous appropriations. These increases span all major university systems in the state, including the Texas A&M University System, the University of Houston System, the Texas State University System, and others. The goal is to enhance capital improvements, modernize facilities, and address infrastructure deficiencies critical to maintaining and expanding educational capacity.

Overall, HB 42 represents a substantial reinvestment in the physical infrastructure of Texas’s public higher education system, aiming to ensure that institutions can meet the demands of growing student populations and maintain competitive facilities.

The originally filed version of HB 42 and its Committee Substitute both aim to amend Section 62.021 of the Education Code to revise the formula and funding allocations for the annual constitutional appropriation to public higher education institutions. However, there are several key differences in structure, scope, and financial provisions between the two versions.

First, funding levels differ significantly between the two bills. Both versions propose increased allocations for institutions beginning in FY 2027, but the Committee Substitute version provides even higher amounts across nearly all institutions compared to the originally filed version. For instance, the University of North Texas System institutions receive modestly higher allocations under the committee substitute than the original filing (e.g., UNT main campus receives $67.8M in the Committee Substitute vs. $66.2M in HB 42)​.

Second, the Texas State Technical College System (TSTC) is treated differently in each version. In the originally filed bill, TSTC continues to receive a separate allocation, maintaining its distinct line item in the formula. In contrast, the committee substitute eliminates this separate treatment and incorporates TSTC into the general allocation formula shared with other institutions, signaling a policy shift toward a unified funding model.

Third, statutory provisions and effective dates show variation. The originally filed bill includes additional detailed contingency provisions (Subsection a-2) that tie implementation to voter approval of a related constitutional amendment. It also amends Section 62.024 to increase the total annual appropriation from $393.75 million to $590.625 million and clarifies the five-year legislative intent for funding levels under Section 62.027. These provisions are consistent in both versions but structured differently. Notably, the originally filed bill also repeals Section 62.021(e-2), which is not mentioned in the committee substitute​.

Lastly, the originally filed bill is more expansive in statutory cleanup, including technical repealers and adjustments to ensure consistency with the newly proposed structure, whereas the committee substitute streamlines its language and focuses more on institutional-level allocations and their administrative implementation.

Overall, the committee substitute strengthens the intent of the original bill by increasing appropriations, consolidating formulas for clarity and equity, and more fully integrating all eligible institutions into a single framework.

Author
Terry Wilson
Matthew Shaheen
Tony Tinderholt
Donna Howard
Gary Vandeaver
Co-Author
Salman Bhojani
John Bucy III
Stan Lambert
Penny Morales Shaw
Eddie Morales
Denise Villalobos
Sponsor
Joan Huffman
Co-Sponsor
Cesar Blanco
Juan Hinojosa
Fiscal Notes

According to the Legislative Budget Board (LBB), HB 42 carries significant fiscal implications for the State of Texas by increasing the annual constitutional appropriation for the Higher Education Fund (HEF). Specifically, the bill raises the HEF allocation from $393.75 million to $787.5 million beginning in fiscal year 2026. This change results in a projected negative impact of $787.5 million to General Revenue–related funds over the FY 2026–2027 biennium, and a recurring annual cost of $393.75 million in subsequent years​.

While the bill does not appropriate funds directly, it establishes the legal framework needed for the increased appropriations to be enacted in future state budgets. Importantly, the fiscal note highlights that the proposed increase effectively doubles the HEF allocation, creating a new baseline of higher state support for capital infrastructure across eligible public higher education institutions.

Additionally, the fiscal note explains that if the companion constitutional amendment establishing a permanent capital fund for the Texas State Technical College (TSTC) System is approved by voters, the TSTC campuses would become ineligible for HEF funds. In that event, beginning in FY 2027, funds previously allocated to TSTC would be redistributed to other eligible institutions. This structural adjustment could lead to slight savings or reallocations within the increased overall expenditure but would not offset the broader fiscal impact.

Finally, the LBB projects no fiscal implications for local governments, as all funding effects are contained within the state budget. The increase in funding levels reflects a major long-term investment in higher education infrastructure but will require legislative commitment to maintain the expanded HEF allocation in future biennia.


Vote Recommendation Notes

According to the Legislative Budget Board (LBB), HB 42 proposes to double the annual constitutional appropriation to the Higher Education Fund (HEF) from $393.75 million to $787.5 million, beginning in fiscal year 2026. The legislation seeks to modernize the HEF allocation formula, increase capital funding for non-Permanent University Fund (PUF) eligible public institutions, and expand the list of recipient institutions. It also includes contingencies based on the approval or disapproval of a related constitutional amendment, specifically affecting the Texas State Technical College (TSTC) System’s eligibility.

While the goal of enhancing infrastructure in Texas higher education is understandable given inflation and institutional growth, the bill’s approach raises substantial concerns under the principle of limited government. By enshrining nearly $400 million in new annual spending into the state constitution, the bill permanently expands the fiscal footprint of state government without implementing checks on how funds are used. There are no sunset provisions, no efficiency requirements, and no performance-based funding mechanisms. This significantly limits legislative flexibility and raises the risk of funding inefficiencies over time.

The bill also imposes a growing burden on taxpayers. Though it does not directly raise taxes, the increased appropriation is drawn from the General Revenue Fund—the same pool used for essential services such as public safety, transportation, and health care. In tight budget cycles, the expansion of HEF could necessitate difficult tradeoffs or lead to pressure for future tax increases. The bill essentially prioritizes one policy area through a constitutional mechanism without balancing that investment against competing fiscal priorities.

Furthermore, HB 42 lacks adequate accountability provisions. There are no outcome-based requirements tied to the use of the funds, no mandate for efficiency audits, and no provisions for tracking the impact of the capital investments on educational access, attainment, or workforce readiness. This absence of safeguards weakens the argument that such a large and permanent investment is warranted at this time.

From a structural standpoint, the bill also shifts further responsibility for higher education infrastructure onto the state rather than encouraging public-private partnerships or market-based solutions. It reinforces a centralized, government-driven model for funding public institutions while missing an opportunity to innovate or incentivize better outcomes.

For these reasons, we recommend a NO; AMEND position. The bill, in its current form, violates the core liberty principle of limited government and creates a long-term financial commitment that is not paired with necessary fiscal discipline or transparency. If lawmakers were to adopt amendments introducing meaningful accountability, performance metrics, and fiscal safeguards—such as sunset provisions or offsetting appropriations—the legislation could potentially become supportable. Until then, it does not meet the standards required for responsible, principled governance. Texas Policy Research recommends that lawmakers vote NO; Amend on HB 42.

  • Individual Liberty: While the bill does not directly affect individual freedoms such as speech, privacy, or self-determination, the expansion of capital investment in public higher education could have a modest, indirect positive effect by improving access to educational facilities and services. A more modern and adequately funded infrastructure may enhance opportunities for students, particularly at institutions serving underserved or rural communities. However, these potential benefits are not paired with requirements to expand student access or affordability, so the impact is limited.

  • Personal Responsibility: HB 42 does not directly promote or diminish personal responsibility. It focuses on state institutional funding, not on student behavior, academic performance, or individual financial decisions. However, one could argue that the absence of institutional accountability or performance metrics (e.g., linking funding to student outcomes or fiscal discipline) implicitly undermines a culture of responsibility within publicly funded institutions.

  • Free Enterprise: By significantly increasing government spending on public higher education without introducing market discipline or competitive alternatives, the bill reinforces a state-dominated funding model. It offers no encouragement for private capital investment, innovation in infrastructure delivery, or competitive funding mechanisms that reward efficient or high-performing institutions. This crowds out potential private solutions and entrenches a non-competitive, taxpayer-funded status quo in higher education infrastructure.

  • Private Property Rights: The bill does not expand or restrict private property rights. However, by increasing taxpayer obligations, it diverts general revenue (sourced from taxes on private economic activity) toward government-owned infrastructure without direct consent or individualized benefit. While not a direct property rights violation, it represents a continued shift of control over public investment decisions away from individuals and toward centralized state planning.

  • Limited Government: This is where the bill most clearly violates a core liberty principle. Doubling the size of a permanent constitutional appropriation with no sunset clause, accountability requirements, or performance safeguards dramatically expands the size and scope of government. It locks in nearly $800 million in biennial spending in perpetuity, limiting future legislative flexibility and prioritizing one sector of government spending through the state constitution. This expansion is not paired with any reforms, oversight, or offsetting reductions elsewhere—hallmarks of a limited-government approach.

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