89th Legislature

SB 23

Overall Vote Recommendation
No
Principle Criteria
Free Enterprise
Property Rights
Personal Responsibility
Limited Government
Individual Liberty
Digest

SB 23 proposes to significantly increase the property tax exemption offered by school districts to Texans who are elderly or disabled. Specifically, it raises the exemption from $10,000 to $60,000 of the appraised value of a qualified individual's residence homestead. This enhancement to the exemption is contingent upon the approval of a corresponding constitutional amendment by voters.

To ensure school districts are not financially disadvantaged by the resulting loss in local property tax revenue, SB 23 also establishes mechanisms for additional state aid. This aid is structured to offset reductions in revenue dedicated to debt service, specifically for interest and sinking funds used to repay school district bonds. The bill includes both retroactive provisions, covering the 2023–2024 and 2024–2025 school years, and forward-looking provisions beginning in 2025–2026. The aid is calculated based on the difference between pre- and post-exemption revenue scenarios, ensuring that the state's support is precisely tied to the financial impact of the exemption increase.

Overall, SB 23 aims to protect the economic security of elderly and disabled homeowners without compromising the financial viability of Texas school districts.

Author
Paul Bettencourt
Co-Author
Carol Alvarado
Brian Birdwell
Cesar Blanco
Donna Campbell
Molly Cook
Brandon Creighton
Peter Flores
Roland Gutierrez
Brent Hagenbuch
Bob Hall
Kelly Hancock
Adam Hinojosa
Juan Hinojosa
Joan Huffman
Bryan Hughes
Phil King
Lois Kolkhorst
Jose Menendez
Mayes Middleton
Borris Miles
Robert Nichols
Tan Parker
Angela Paxton
Charles Perry
Charles Schwertner
Kevin Sparks
Royce West
Judith Zaffirini
Sponsor
Morgan Meyer
Trey Martinez Fischer
Greg Bonnen
Todd Hunter
Diego Bernal
Co-Sponsor
Daniel Alders
Alma Allen
Rafael Anchia
Trent Ashby
Jeffrey Barry
Cecil Bell, Jr.
Keith Bell
Salman Bhojani
Rhetta Bowers
Bradley Buckley
John Bucy III
Ben Bumgarner
Angie Chen Button
Briscoe Cain
Elizabeth Campos
Giovanni Capriglione
David Cook
Philip Cortez
Charles Cunningham
Pat Curry
Drew Darby
Aicha Davis
Jay Dean
Mano DeAyala
Mark Dorazio
Harold Dutton
Paul Dyson
Caroline Fairly
Maria Flores
James Frank
Erin Gamez
Cassandra Garcia Hernandez
Josey Garcia
Linda Garcia
Gary Gates
Stan Gerdes
Charlie Geren
Barbara Gervin-Hawkins
Vikki Goodwin
Ryan Guillen
Sam Harless
Cody Harris
Caroline Harris Davila
Cole Hefner
Hillary Hickland
Donna Howard
Lacey Hull
Carrie Isaac
Ann Johnson
Helen Kerwin
Ken King
Stan Kitzman
Suleman Lalani
Stan Lambert
Brooks Landgraf
Jeff Leach
Terri Leo-Wilson
Janie Lopez
Ray Lopez
A.J. Louderback
J. M. Lozano
John Lujan
Christian Manuel
Armando Martinez
Don McLaughlin
John McQueeney
William Metcalf
Terry Meza
Eddie Morales
Matt Morgan
Sergio Munoz, Jr.
Candy Noble
Tom Oliverson
Claudia Ordaz
Angelia Orr
Jared Patterson
Dennis Paul
Mary Perez
Vincent Perez
Dade Phelan
Katrina Pierson
Mihaela Plesa
Richard Raymond
Ron Reynolds
Alan Schoolcraft
Matthew Shaheen
Joanne Shofner
Shelby Slawson
John Smithee
Valoree Swanson
Tony Tinderholt
Steve Toth
Ellen Troxclair
Gary Vandeaver
Cody Vasut
Denise Villalobos
Hubert Vo
Charlene Ward Johnson
Trey Wharton
Terry Wilson
Erin Zwiener
Fiscal Notes

According to the Legislative Budget Board (LBB), the estimated net cost to the General Revenue Fund will be approximately $1.2 billion over the 2026–2027 biennium. This financial burden results from the increased state aid required to offset the local revenue losses experienced by school districts due to the larger homestead exemption.

The bill affects both the Foundation School Fund (FSF) and state recapture payments (commonly referred to as “Robin Hood” payments). Over the next five fiscal years (2026–2030), annual state costs are expected to range from $476 million to over $630 million. Additionally, school districts are projected to lose between $559 million and $635 million annually in property tax revenue due to the exemption increase, and the state will see a decline in recapture payments ranging from $125 million to $147 million per year. These recapture reductions are treated as revenue losses to the state since they represent funds that would otherwise support the FSF.

Importantly, these fiscal impacts are contingent upon the passage of a related constitutional amendment. If the amendment is approved by voters, the state will be legally obligated to provide supplemental funding to ensure school districts are made whole for both debt service (interest and sinking funds) and operations and maintenance funding impacted by the exemption change​.

Vote Recommendation Notes

SB 23 proposes increasing the school district homestead exemption for elderly or disabled homeowners from $10,000 to $60,000. While it purports to offer meaningful property tax relief, particularly to Texans on fixed incomes, it ultimately reinforces a policy framework that is politically expedient but economically flawed. The bill would cost the state over $1.2 billion in the upcoming biennium, backfilling lost local revenue through state aid in a way that further expands state obligations without any corresponding reforms to local spending or school finance.

This exemption expansion continues a concerning trend of narrowing the property tax base by carving out relief for politically favored constituencies, in this case, seniors, who statistically possess the most accumulated wealth. While disabled Texans deserve thoughtful, targeted support, blanket exemptions for all seniors, regardless of income or need, distort the fairness of the tax system and shift a greater burden onto younger, working families who already face high housing costs and inflation pressures. Rather than solving the structural issues driving high property taxes—namely, excessive local spending and a bloated school finance model—this bill merely masks them.

Moreover, SB 23’s “hold harmless” provisions for school districts effectively shield local governments from the consequences of tax base erosion, removing incentives for efficiency or spending restraint. This results in a troubling dynamic where the state assumes a larger financial role without demanding accountability or reform in return, growing government obligations while pushing the burden onto future taxpayers.

Texans need real tax reform, not just relief. That means flattening the playing field, broadening the tax base, and controlling government spending at its source. SB 23 does none of that. Instead, it further entrenches a system that picks winners, expands state fiscal obligations, and shifts costs to those without exemptions.

For these reasons, Texas Policy Research recommends that lawmakers vote NO on SB 23. While the intent to help vulnerable Texans is laudable, this bill is not the way to achieve lasting, equitable, and responsible tax reform.

  • Individual Liberty: At first glance, the bill appears to support individual liberty by reducing the property tax burden for elderly and disabled homeowners, helping them retain more control over their financial choices and property. However, this benefit is undermined by the broader effect of cost shifting, as exempt groups pay less, non-exempt groups (mainly younger, working Texans) pay more. That redistribution of the burden erodes individual liberty for those not receiving the exemption, limiting their ability to control their own financial destiny.
  • Personal Responsibility: By “holding schools harmless” and committing the state to cover lost revenue regardless of local spending behavior, the bill dilutes institutional accountability. Local governments and school districts are insulated from the consequences of their spending decisions, relying on state subsidies rather than living within their means. This approach erodes the principle of personal—and institutional—responsibility by rewarding unsustainable behavior and shifting the cost to the broader public.
  • Free Enterprise: While the bill doesn’t directly regulate or interfere with commerce, the broader economic implications may negatively affect enterprise. The bill narrows the tax base and shifts costs to property owners who are not exempt, including small business owners and younger households who are often in their most economically vulnerable and formative years. The distortion of tax fairness can discourage growth and investment, particularly in communities where new entrants are disproportionately affected.
  • Private Property Rights: The bill does provide enhanced protection for property rights, for some. Elderly and disabled homeowners gain relief from rising tax obligations, which can help them stay in their homes. But this selective defense of property rights comes at the expense of others whose tax rates must rise or whose state services are crowded out to backfill school district losses. True respect for private property should apply equally, not favor one class of owner over another based on political popularity.
  • Limited Government: This is where the bill most sharply violates liberty principles. By dramatically increasing state expenditures—over $1.2 billion in the next biennium—to prop up a flawed local finance model, the bill expands the role and financial footprint of the state. It locks in future obligations without correcting the underlying causes of high taxes. Rather than shrinking or reforming government, it grows it, while giving the appearance of relief.
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