SB 9 proposes a significant and ambitious reform to Texas’s public school assessment and accountability system by replacing the STAAR exam with an “instructionally supportive assessment” model. This shift acknowledges widespread concerns about high-stakes standardized testing and aims to better align assessments with instructional goals. However, while the intent to eliminate STAAR is commendable, the implementation framework presented in SB 9 raises several substantial concerns that conflict with core Liberty Principles, most notably, Limited Government, Individual Liberty, and Local Control.
The most pressing concern is the centralization of authority in the Texas Education Agency (TEA). SB 9 transfers rulemaking power from the elected State Board of Education (SBOE) to the unelected Commissioner of Education and grants TEA unilateral authority to impose interventions and sanctions on campuses, even during periods when accountability ratings are subject to litigation or injunction. This level of unchecked executive power undermines the constitutional principle of separation of powers and restricts the ability of local school boards and communities to influence educational decisions in their districts. It represents a significant expansion of bureaucratic control at the expense of local autonomy and democratic oversight.
Further, while SB 9 eliminates STAAR, it replaces it with a triannual testing model, requiring state-mandated assessments at the beginning, middle, and end of the school year. Although these are labeled “instructionally supportive,” the increased testing frequency may lead to greater disruption of instructional time, potentially creating more stress for students and educators. Importantly, the bill provides no opt-out mechanisms for families, nor does it give local districts meaningful control over how or when to administer these assessments. This risks replacing one inflexible system with another that is more complex, more frequent, and equally burdensome.
The bill also has notable fiscal implications. While not as costly as HB 4 from the regular session, SB 9 still carries an estimated $55.9 million cost through the 2026–27 biennium, with ongoing annual costs for the new assessment system, item reviews, educator committees, and TEA staff expansion. These expenditures are significant, especially in the absence of strong performance metrics, cost-saving offsets, or statutory caps on implementation spending. Without clear evidence that the new system will deliver better academic outcomes or reduced bureaucratic overhead, taxpayers may be asked to fund a system that simply shifts the burden rather than alleviating it.
Additionally, the bill introduces new constraints on local school districts’ ability to challenge TEA determinations and restricts the use of public funds for litigation against the state, further weakening checks and balances. In doing so, SB 9 limits meaningful avenues for due process and shields TEA from accountability to local stakeholders, who are often best positioned to evaluate the impact of state policy on their communities.
While the goals of SB 9, to eliminate STAAR, improve instructional alignment, and empower educators with timely data, are valuable, the methods chosen undermine those same goals by entrenching centralized authority and creating a new layer of state-imposed testing requirements. The bill could be made acceptable through meaningful amendments: restoring authority to SBOE, limiting TEA’s enforcement powers, reducing testing frequency, and expanding local discretion and parental rights. Until such reforms are made, SB 9 represents a step backward in terms of educational liberty, fiscal responsibility, and constitutional governance.
As such, Texas Policy Research recommends that lawmakers vote NO on SB 9 unless amended as described above to better align it with the principles of limited government, local control, and individual freedom.